miércoles, 28 de marzo de 2018

White Tiger DEA & Mexico's Top Elite


White Tiger Logo

Read all the pertinent stories about "Operation White Tiger". It involves U.S. government agency's cover up of serious investigations in the Hank-Rhon's [Carlos, Jorge and Hank Gonzalez senior aka El Professor (now deceased)] case.
There are also two links to a couple of very good articles, one by Jaime Dettmer of Insight Magazine and one by Dolia Estevez of El Financiero. The government did NOT wish to have these documents entered into the file for public access. The Judge denied the requests to have them deleted. After a long wait and much red tape, I now have them available for the first time to the public.
There is a public document and sworn statement by a DOJ official named Michael T. Horn, head of the National Drug Intelligence Center (NDIC) which is filed at the Alexandria Virginia District Court House.(Dated: 1-20-00)
You can get your own copy of the document if you send a check or money order to:
Clerk's Office
U.S. District Court
Alexandria, Virginia
Civil Docket: 02-MC-6
Request documents (c) (d) & (e) from Exhibit R to Docket item #11.( about 32 pages in all)
Certified copies are about 50 cents each page and $7.00 for certification. (About $21.00)
"Operation White Tiger" is explained fully and you can read the certified documents. The fact that the government did NOT wish to reveal certain "sources" illustrates that it would cause a MAJOR problem with Mexican-U.S. relations. There was definitely collusion going on to protect people like Jorge Hank-Rhon. I know first hand. I experienced the protectionist retaliation for doing my job.
It makes you wonder why Customs Supervisor John "Jack" Maryon "ordered" me NOT to put Jorge Hank-Rhon's name into the TECS II computer; status "look out", or at least on a MOIR/ROI distribution list???
If there is a "National Security" interest, NO ONE ever said so. On the contrary, I was told by my Supervisor John "Jack" Maryon, that he "had lunch" with the suspect Jorge Hank-Rhon once a week! THAT is no reason to retaliate against someone who is just doing their job! THAT is not justification for ruining someone's career. The agency should inform and discuss this issue very candidly with anyone that discovers sensitive information and explain that "other" national interests prevail, before retaliating without apparent reason. This was NOT done, because there was no special legitimate interests. Our government should not damage our own people to protect foreign interests. Are WE to be considered "collateral damage"? NO!
It makes you wonder which "internal" sources OUR government is really protecting? What do you think?
The following articles may help explain some things too.
John Carman
Editor~ www.customscorruption.com

The following articles are actual scans of the magazine to preserve the integrity and validity of the source. The White Tiger Document is a scan as well, with certification stamp affixed.
El Financiero
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Insight Magazine
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White Tiger Document
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The Last Word
Posted Feb. 25, 2002
By Paul M. Rodriguez

Free Press Facing Challenge to Its Rights

What do an international business consultant, an Ohio professor and three journalists have in common? Nothing more than independent work to expose squalid and disturbing allegations of ties among politicians, banks, narcotraffickers and money launderers on both sides of the U.S.-Mexican border and tie-ins elsewhere around the world.

A second common factor is that all have incurred the wrath of the Hank family — one of the most powerful clans in Mexico — which has launched high-powered legal exercises in Texas and Ohio to intimidate and harass members of the press and challenge their rights afforded by the First Amendment. This includes Insight and one of its senior editors, Jamie Dettmer, as well as Washington Post reporter Douglas Farah and Dolia Estevez, the Washington correspondent of Mexico's El Financiero newspaper. All three have received subpoenas to produce a wide range of information protected by U.S. press-shield laws and our Constitution.

Reading the subpoena is like reading the summary of a high-suspense plot from a John Grisham novel, what with tantalizing hints of conspiracies, organized-crime ties, secret U.S. intelligence agencies, shady gumshoes, undercover sources and the assassination of a Roman Catholic prelate. Details are indeed contained in the two legal cases that now have enmeshed the magazine and the two newspapers in a lawsuit filed in Laredo, Texas, against writer and business consultant Christopher Whalen, and another filed in Cleveland against Donald Schulz, a political-science professor.

If the subpoenas served on the news organizations are allowed to stand, many in the trade believe the precedent would chill reporting by the American press on efforts by U.S. authorities to resist suspected narcotrafficking and organized crime.

So how did this happen? It began with an exclusive report by Dettmer back in March 1999 outlining details in federal law-enforcement and intelligence documents alleging close ties between the Hank family and Mexico's suspected top narcotraffickers, including the Arellano Felix cartel in Tijuana. The story included details of how tons of illegal drugs move freely across borders and the lax security that allows these substances to destroy the lives of millions.

The article about the Hanks reported findings of a major multiagency probe into the Mexican family involving political and business support to help mask or otherwise support the illegal-drug trade. One of the documents referenced in the story involved Operation White Tiger. It concluded that the Hank family, consisting of the now-dead patriarch Carlos Hank Gonzalez, a billionaire businessman and top Mexican politician, and his two sons, Carlos Hank Rhon and Jorge Hank Rhon, represented a "major criminal threat" to the United States because of alleged political protection they afforded to drug cartels (see "Family Affairs," March 29, 1999).

A month after Insight broke that story, U.S. and Mexican newspapers followed our lead with yet more information based on their own sources. The stories caused quite a stir within the Clinton administration and in Mexico, where at a summit of law-enforcement chiefs, Mexicans complained loudly to their U.S. counterparts, as did Mexico's then-president Ernesto Zedillo, whose campaign-nomination papers Carlos Hank Gonzalez had signed.

Since then, the Hanks have mounted a major counterattack, including their recent U.S. lawsuits against Whalen and Schultz. Whalen is the former editor of The Mexico Report, a newsletter on politics and finance that carried similar stories about the allegations against the Hanks and others. Whalen also was an adviser to the U.S. Federal Reserve and reportedly helped to block a bid by Carlos Hank Rhon to buy a second bank in Texas to add to the family's ownership of the Laredo National Bank.

In addition to suing Whalen for "tortious interference" in their effort to buy a second U.S. bank, the Hanks sued Schulz following a Wall Street Journal report identifying him as a "probable source" of leaks from Operation White Tiger to the press. Schulz is considered an expert on Central and South American issues and author of an unpublished (but circulated) study entitled Narcopolitics in Mexico. The Hanks' lawsuit charges that Schulz spread false and defamatory information about the family based on insider knowledge from the White Tiger report and his ties with U.S. law-enforcement agencies.

There have been several stories about the ongoing cases in local press and one overview by The Nation magazine (see www.nation.com). But this is the first report on the subpoenas recently served on the news outlets — demands that seek astonishing access to a wide range of protected information. For example, in the subpoena accepted for Insight by the Washington law firm of Akin Gump, the Hanks want all unpublished documents, materials and e-mails and all details of conversations reporters and editors had on a wealth of matters relating to the family, federal law enforcement, other news outlets and any documents in our possession. In short, the whole enchilada, and to hell with the First Amendment!

Such chilling requests are rare — and, generally, fail — but they raise serious issues about the rights of a free press to do its job. For smaller publications with limited resources it could deal a deathblow to enterprise reporting and shut down those who stand up to the rich and powerful. We'll keep you posted.

Paul M. Rodriguez is the managing editor of Insight.

Drug War On Trial
URL: http://www.mapinc.org/drugnews/v01/n1683/a06.html
Newshawk: Terry Liittschwager
Pubdate: Mon, 17 Sep 2001
Source: Nation, The (US)
Page: 18
Author: Mark Schapiro
Note: Mark Schapiro writes frequently on international affairs. Research support was provided by the Investigative Fund of the Nation Institute.
Bookmark: http://www.mapinc.org/people/Al+Giordano (Giordano, Al)

A new counteroffensive has been launched in the drug war: Financiers have begun to retaliate against allegations of money laundering and drug trafficking by suing the messengers.  If successful, the suits could hinder future investigations into the G spot of the drug trade, where billions of dollars in illicit profits meet the highest precincts of international finance.

At the heart of the legal assault are a Mexican billionaire and majority owner of a Texas bank, Carlos Hank Rhon, of the powerful Hank family ( frequently referred to as the "Mexican Rockefellers" ), and Roberto Hernandez, president of Banamex, Mexico's second-largest bank.  The suits are being fought out in US courts, pitting scions of the Mexican elite against an American journalist, a scholar and a little-known agency of the US government.

Carlos Hank Rhon is the eldest son of Carlos Hank Gonzalez, who parlayed friendships with former Mexican President Carlos Salinas and his predecessor into a multibillion-dollar financial empire.  Hank Gonzalez died in August at the age of 73; his two surviving sons, Carlos Hank Rhon and Jorge Hank Rhon, now oversee a multinational conglomerate that includes holdings in real estate, television, manufacturing, trucking and banking.  In the mid-1990s Incus, a Caribbean-based holding company controlled by Carlos Hank, engineered the purchase of the Laredo National Bank of Texas, in one of the most significant expansions of Mexican capital into the United States in the NAFTA era.

Carlos Hank's takeover of Laredo, however, ignited the interest of the Federal Reserve Board and the suspicions of the National Drug Intelligence Center ( NDIC ), which supplies intelligence and analyses to law enforcement agencies.  In a draft summary of an 800-page report detailing the links between drug traffickers and top Mexican politicians and financial figures, the NDIC drew connections suggesting that Hank was involved in the drug trade and included reports of his involvement in money laundering for Mexican drug organizations.  The report, compiled at the request of the FBI and the Drug Enforcement Administration, was dubbed Operation White Tiger, in reference to an attempt by Carlos Hank to smuggle an endangered white tiger into Mexico in the back seat of his Mercedes in 1991.

In the spring of 1999 the contents of the leaked White Tiger draft summary--including the assertion that Hank posed "a significant criminal threat to the United States" and that his enterprises helped facilitate cocaine and heroin shipments into the United States--broke in a series of articles in the Washington Times's weekly magazine Insight, the Washington Post, the Mexican newspaper El Financiero and a feisty quarterly journal of Hispanic politics and culture, El Andar, based in Santa Cruz, California, which has been dogging the Hanks with investigative reports over the past two years.  The Laredo bank immediately threatened legal action against El Andar, which has a circulation of some 10,000 readers, demanding a retraction, $10 million and the bank's approval of any future articles.  Julia Reynolds, author of the story and editor of El Andar, refused, and continued to write about the bank's funding and connections to Texas political figures--including George W.  Bush.  After publicity on the threat against El Andar appeared in the Los Angeles Times, Laredo backed off its threat to sue.

The news about the Hanks was explosive, breaking just as then-Attorney General Janet Reno and then-White House drug czar Gen.  Barry McCaffrey were visiting Mexico for a series of meetings on US-Mexican cooperation in the drug war.

The White Tiger findings would generate more attention to the NDIC than at any time in its short, mostly obscure history.  Based in Johnstown, Pennsylvania, the center, with a staff of some 200 scholars and researchers, was created by George Bush senior as an arm of the Justice Department to signal his commitment to fighting drugs ( and as a signal of Democratic Congressman John Murtha's commitment to providing employment for his constituents ).  Until recently, its investigators have been mostly nameless, the millions of words issuing from its government-issue red-brick offices mostly anonymous.

But that changed when the NDIC was hit with a multimillion-dollar lawsuit by Laredo's American president, Gary Jacobs.  In the suit, filed this past May 23 in federal court in Laredo, Texas, Jacobs demands $129 million from the NDIC on the grounds that the center's leak of the White Tiger summary constituted a violation of the Privacy Act, which prohibits the leak of classified government documents.  Jacobs terms the NDIC's allegations "life-shattering lies." His attorney, Patrick McLaughlin, contends that the information in White Tiger was little more than "unproven and uncharged allegations" contained in an "unvetted" report that was "illegally disseminated to the news media." White Tiger, he says, "assassinated my client's character." On August 20 the Justice Department filed suit in federal district court in Laredo asking that the case be dismissed.

Though Jacobs's name is on the lawsuit, it is Carlos Hank Rhon who is the unseen player behind the legal machinations.  Carlos Hank's company, Incus, has controlled 70 percent of the shares in Laredo, and it is Hank's name that surfaces most prominently in the White Tiger and related stories.  Jacobs's suit was filed a week before the settlement of a longstanding Federal Reserve Board civil complaint against Hank and Incus accusing him of using the names of relatives and associates to cover up his financial interest in Laredo.  The settlement does not require Hank to admit guilt, but he is required to turn over his controlling shares in the bank to an independent trust.  And he agreed to pay $40 million in penalties--the second-biggest fine in the Federal Reserve's history.

That was not Hank's first run-in with the Fed.  In the mid-1990s, as reports similar to those later contained in White Tiger began surfacing in Mexico and the United States, the Fed launched an investigation into Laredo's bid to purchase the Mercantile Bank of Brownsville, Texas.  After a lengthy investigation Laredo withdrew its bid.

Jacobs's suit against the NDIC followed, by less than a year, a legal blitzkrieg that transformed the life of a mild-mannered political scientist named Donald Schulz.  Currently chairman of the political science department at Cleveland State University, Schulz worked for eight years as a specialist on Latin America and national security for the Strategic Studies Institute at the US Army War College.  While researching an academic book exploring the links between the drug trade and Mexican politicians, Schulz interviewed several officials at the National Drug Intelligence Center, one of whom sent him a copy of the draft executive summary of White Tiger containing material on the Hanks.  Jacobs filed suit against Schulz in August 2000, accusing him of violations of the RICO act, alleging that he was involved in an "enterprise...designed to...unlawfully acquire, use and disseminate top secret, predecisional, law enforcement sensitive information...to the direct detriment of plaintiffs," that the assertions in White Tiger constituted defamation and that release of the draft report was a violation of Justice Department regulations prohibiting unauthorized release of documents considered "law enforcement sensitive." In essence, Jacobs accuses Schulz of "infiltrating" the NDIC and providing researchers there with "disinformation" that was later leaked to the press in White Tiger.

Laredo's lawyer, Ricardo Cedillo, denies the White Tiger allegations and asserts that they have resulted in deep damage to Jacobs's professional standing.  "Gary Jacobs is a border banker with an impeccable reputation," Cedillo said in a telephone interview from his office in San Antonio.  "Suddenly, he's not being invited to the seminars and programs on both sides of the border, he's not enjoying the fruits of his labor.  He has been on a first-name basis with ambassadors from the United States and Mexico, and now he is [treated like] a pariah after being associated [in White Tiger] with money launderers."

Schulz denies providing any such information or leaking the report.  Schulz's trial, when it commences in August 2002, will revolve not necessarily around the truth of such assertions but whether he leaked the report and whether he conspired to interject allegedly defamatory information into the contents of the NDIC report.  Schulz says he didn't receive a copy of the summary until late March of 1999 ( the court record indicates it was sent to him on March 25 ), and the Insight magazine story--the first to publish the White Tiger allegations, and running at almost 4,000 words--appeared on March 29.  The author of the story, Jamie Dettmer, has declined to name his source, but he insists that it wasn't Schulz.  An internal investigation by the Justice Department determined that the source of the leak--and the person who sent the draft summary to Schulz--was the supervisor of the White Tiger project, an NDIC agent named Daniel Huffman; Huffman, a former FBI agent, resigned under pressure last year.

Whoever was the source, the leaks were not popular in Washington, which was on the verge of certifying Mexico as a "partner" in the drug war.  In a letter to former Senator Warren Rudman, who as a Hank lobbyist on Capitol Hill had disputed the White Tiger allegations, Attorney General Janet Reno disassociated herself from the findings in the report.  Shortly afterward, Schulz's work on Mexico at the War College was terminated, and he was diverted to research on Colombia as the wheels of Plan Colombia were grinding their way through Congress.  White Tiger itself was shelved by the NDIC when a new director took over in June 1999.

For Schulz, the lawsuit has had a devastating impact.  He has spent, thus far, some $25,000 on legal costs and has received no assistance from either the NDIC or the US Army War College; his appeal to the government for legal help has now been sitting with the Justice Department for more than eight months.  If the case goes to trial, Schulz, 59, says it will eat up all his retirement savings.  Ironically, Schulz and the NDIC, which tried to distance itself from him after he was sued last year, have now been thrown together as parallel defendants in the legal offensive launched by Jacobs.  "It doesn't matter whether I win or lose; I lose," Schulz says.  "My time, my costs to lawyers--I will have lost even if I'm vindicated in the end." In June Schulz filed a countersuit for "harassment" against Laredo, asking $1 million in damages and demanding that Carlos Hank Rhon's name be added to Jacobs's complaint as a plaintiff.  As the majority owner and chairman of Laredo, and as a primary target of Operation White Tiger, Hank, Schulz argues, dodged behind Jacobs.  Keeping Hank's name off the suit, asserts Schulz, protects him from being deposed and keeps information about his business activities in the United States and Mexico from being entered into the legal record.

Cedillo discounts this charge: "Jacobs is no surrogate for Carlos Hank Rhon." Rather, he says, the reason the Mexican mogul has kept his name off the suit is that he "has a thick skin, and didn't want to aggravate Mexican press attention at a time when his father was ill." Indeed, the Mexican press has had a voracious appetite for stories on the Hank family--ranging from serious corruption investigations to salacious tabloid reports, in which they are cast as a symbol of the PRI oligarchy that dominated Mexico for seven decades.

Jacobs's legal offensive appears to be the culmination of a campaign foreshadowed on national television when, in an interview with PBS's Frontline for its fall 2000 special on the drug war, he announced, "With the lawsuits I [am] getting ready to file, these cockroaches in the government are going to run for cover." Jacobs's choice of "cockroaches" appears to be based on the potential for sending a warning signal to any future investigators--from the government or the press.  The Washington Times never heard from Jacobs's legal team.  After being contacted by Carlos Hank's lawyers, the Washington Post printed a "clarification" of its earlier story by saying it had mistakenly identified a trucking company as a Hank property.  ( The Post stands by the rest of its reporting on the White Tiger findings concerning Hank family links to the drug trade.  )

Schulz says the suit against him "is part of a larger campaign of intimidation against journalists, scholars and US government researchers who have researched or written about the Hanks.  It's an attempt to intimidate and silence everything from El Andar to the US government, or those who speak with the US government.  If it succeeds, simply threatening a lawsuit could be used by others to deter government or journalistic investigations."

Another case wending its way through the courts involves a Mexican banker's legal attack against a US journalist, Al Giordano, the editor and publisher of Narco News ( www.narconews.com ), an Internet magazine that for the past year has been covering the intersection between corruption and the drug war in Latin America.  Giordano is facing a libel suit filed by Banamex, Mexico's second-largest bank, for a series he wrote last year asserting that the bank's president, Roberto Hernandez, was involved with drug trafficking and money laundering.

Giordano's reports were based on stories in the Mexican newspaper Por Esto!, based in Yucatan.  The author of the Por Esto! series was the newspaper's founder and editor, Mario Menendez, a veteran Mexican journalist who was briefly imprisoned in 1968 after publishing details about the massacre of students demonstrating in Mexico City's Tlatelolco Plaza before the 1968 Olympics.

Por Esto!'s most explosive charges--which Giordano went on to repeat, describing them as "what lawyers call beyond a reasonable doubt"--concerned the appearance of several bales of cocaine on land owned by Hernandez along the Yucatan coast.  Hernandez himself is a leading figure of the Mexican old guard allied to the PRI, having purchased the government's shares in Banamex in 1991, turning that investment into a financial empire.  There was no proof of Hernandez's knowledge of the shipment, but the Por Esto! series, which ran from 1996 through 1999, included photographs of the cocaine seized on Hernandez-owned property and of containers frequently associated with drug-running along the Yucatan coast that were found on Hernandez-owned beachfront.  The stories proved particularly embarrassing when President Clinton traveled to Yucatan in 1999 for an antidrug conference attended by then-Mexican President Ernesto Zedillo and hosted by Hernandez at a local resort.

Banamex responded by suing Mario Menendez for libel and slander.  Two years later, a Mexican judge ruled against the bank; that decision was upheld in May 2000 on appeal ( a subsequent effort to pursue Menendez on criminal libel charges was thrown out of court in Mexico City last October ).  Having failed to discredit the charges in Mexico, in August 2000 Banamex shifted venue, filing suit on the same grounds against Giordano, Narco News and Menendez in a state court in New York.  The defendants, allege Banamex, defamed the bank and issued "false statements" that interfered with the bank's "prospective economic advantage," based on the fact that the journalists repeated their charges during an interview on New York public radio station WBAI and during a Columbia University conference on Latin America in March of 2000.  According to the bank's filing, "Neither Banamex nor its Chairman and General Director are or ever have been engaged in illegal drug trafficking...nor is it funded with such money."

The case represents an unprecedented turn of events for Internet journalism.  Narco News, produced and written in English from a town in Mexico, has broken some important stories related to the drug war--including an expose of the CIA's hiring of mercenaries in Peru, months before an airplane with an American missionary family aboard was shot down by one of those private CIA-contractor teams in the Peruvian jungle.  "You've got a Mexican Internet magazine, published in English, being sued in an American court," comments veteran civil liberties lawyer Thomas Lesser, who is defending Narco News.  "If they can get away with this, nobody on the Internet will be safe from legal harassment." The suit has been a nerve-rattling experience for Giordano, a former political correspondent for the Boston Phoenix.  With no legal insurance and operating on a bare-bones budget, he is conducting a joint defense with Lesser, representing Narco News, and David Atlas, representing Menendez.

"What was said here in New York about Banamex is mild when compared with what was said about Hernandez in Mexico," comments Atlas, who is with the New York law firm of Frankfurt, Garbus, Kurnit, Klein & Selz, noted for its defense of First Amendment cases.  "And Mexican courts decided three times that what Menendez published was not defamatory to Banamex.  This is purely an attempt to intimidate journalists, this time in an entirely new venue." In a hearing at the New York Supreme Court in Manhattan on July 20, Atlas, Lesser and Giordano argued that Banamex's suit should be thrown out of court on jurisdictional grounds and because New York law requires malice, which they deny.  The judge is considering their request.

he accuracy of all these stories will in the end be determined by a court of law.  In the meantime, there is one revealing element common to all the legal actions.  It is a financial institution that is far closer to home than any of the Mexican enterprises operating south of the Rio Grande: Citibank.  It was Citibank that brought Carlos Hank Rhon to the attention of the Fed during the Mercantile Bank investigation because of his ties to Raul Salinas, brother of then-Mexican President Carlos Salinas.  Hank Rhon introduced Raul Salinas to the top banking agent in Mexico for Citibank, which Treasury Department investigators claim helped facilitate the laundering of some $200 million that Raul Salinas skimmed off Mexican government food programs, corrupt procurements and drug payoffs during his brother's tenure as president.  ( Raul Salinas is currently serving a twenty-year sentence in a Mexican prison for murder and illicit enrichment; Carlos Salinas is living in self-imposed exile in Ireland.  )

Most pungently, on May 18 Citibank, now Citigroup, announced that it was purchasing Banamex for $12.5 billion in cash and stock--making Hernandez, overnight, one of the richest men in the Americas.

"How can they [Banamex] claim that I've ruined their reputation when they've just done a massive deal with Citibank." exclaimed Giordano, interviewed by telephone from his office in Mexico shortly after the sale was announced.

The Citibank-Banamex deal now joins the largest US financial institution--which was criticized by the Federal Reserve Board during Senate subcommittee hearings in 1999 as having lacked the proper procedures to detect Salinas's and other corrupt Mexican politicians' money-laundering activities--with a bank that has been excoriated in the Mexican and US press for its corrupt ties to the PRI.  ( Responding to widespread criticisms of its monitoring of suspect accounts, this past spring Citigroup hired one of the Fed's top experts on money laundering, Rick Small, to oversee its compliance office.  ) A further irony: When Citigroup chairman Robert Rubin was Treasury Secretary during the Clinton Administration, he authorized a comprehensive assault on money laundering that was dubbed Operation Casablanca.  Among the tens of millions of dollars identified as having illicit origins over the course of Casablanca's multipronged investigation ( which was partly immortalized in the film Traffic ) was $3.3 million seized during a sting against none other than Banamex, which the DEA, in coordination with Mexican law enforcement, alleged was drug money from a northern Mexican smuggling operation.

In many ways, all these cases are also united by the phenomenon of NAFTA's having opened the door to Mexican capital flowing north, just as US capital and jobs have been flowing south.  Follow the money far enough across the ever-more-open US-Mexican frontier, these challenges suggest, and journalists and scholars alike, not to mention the federal government itself, could face a new NAFTA-inspired boomerang of unintended consequences.  Giordano now claims that if his case goes to trial, it will not be just him but "the entire drug war" that will be going on trial.

The guiding principle of Operation Casablanca was to "follow the money" that helps fuel the drug trade.  Whatever the courts decide, the three pending cases offer an ominous warning sign to anyone who tries to do just that.  Congressional investigators estimate that as much as $500 billion is laundered through the US financial system each year.  But attempting to draw the links between the legitimate and illegitimate economies, the great untold secret of the drug war, remains a dangerous business. 

Coke & CIA part 1

Sent to the Clerk of the United States Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit via Registered Mail, Return Receipt Requested,  # RA785456818US

Nos.00-3305 and 00-3570
                              UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS

ROBERT E. KOLODY                                 )        
Plaintiff-Appellant / MOVANT                    )
                             vs.                                        )                                                                                                                                
SIMON MARKETING, INC. and                )
COCA COLA COMPANY                            )
Defendants-Appellees / RESPONDENTS    )

Appeal from the U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division, Judge Blanche M. Manning, Presiding. District Court No. 97 C 190


            To: All those on attached Service List:

Be informed that on September 22, 2003, Robert E. Kolody, plaintiff-appellant/MOVANT, pro se, caused to be sent to the Clerk of the above Court, 1 Original plus 3 Copies to be filed, by Registered Mail, with Return Receipt Requested, this Notice of Motion, Declaration and Proof of Service, set out below, and attached Motion, and Exhibits thereto attached all herewith served upon you and each of you.

             Robert E. Kolody, plaintiff-appellant/MOVANT, pro se
             223 St. Andrews Dr. Schererville, In. 46375
          (219) 865-9880

             DECLARATION OF ROBERT E. KOLODY and Proof of Service

Under the penalties of perjury, pursuant to law, under the provisions of 28 U.S.C.A. Sec. 1746, undersigned declares and certifies as follows:
1. That he understands that this instrument, pursuant to 28 C.S.C.A. Sec. 1746 has the same full force and effect as if an Affidavit sworn to before a Notary Public.
2. That he has personal knowledge of the matters in the attached Motion, and that they are true and correct to his personal knowledge, or, are matters of record or of law and in either case, are true.
3. That he is causing above Notice of Motion with Exhibits thereto attached”, to be served upon those above shown, by sending them the same by Certified U.S. Mail, Return receipt.
             Requested, on September 22, 2003.
             This instrument Executed on: September 22, 2003

             Robert E. Kolody

Part One of a Series

by Sherman H. Skolnick
This series going to deal with the following:
===Cocaine and Coca-Cola ===Coca-Cola and the espionage/mafia cartel ===Coca-Cola's reputed spy apparatus inside their enemy's camp in an important unpublicized blockbuster court case against the soda pop monster ===malign if not corrupt influence on the Courts ===Coca-Cola as "Big Brother" and the Echelon worldwide spy machine.
From the beginning, Coca-Cola always had a trace of cocaine. Early in the 20th Century it became part of a now forgotten prosecution of the soda bubble water drink. Over the years, doctors treating stomach ailments quietly used a mixture containing Coca-Cola syrup base. Of course, NOT used by doctors, who knew the score, was the base for Pepsi-Cola, Royal Crown Cola, or for that matter, any of the other fizz drinks. Savvy sorts, when they ran short of Drano, knew to pour Coca-Cola down their home plumbing. The acids in Coke cleared the plumbing almost as good as the high-priced hardware store stuff. Nutritionists raised their eyebrows. What does Coca-Cola do to the human plumbing?
Coke advertised with scenes of sports stars, speed boat enthusiasts, and such. To give the impression that Coke adds to a vibrant, healthy life. Yet Coke rightfully cannot make any nutrition claims. At least that is what their critics swear by and swear at.
Hey, how come Drano and other pipe-uncloggers, do not also advertise with speed boat pictures, sports stars, and such?
Some years ago, I interviewed on tape, a top official of the firm that makes the secret Coca-Cola base. That is Stepan Chemical, headquartered in the north suburb of Chicago, Northfield, and with plants elsewhere. They are the largest importer in the western world of coca leaves, used for Coke's base. A by-product, as admitted by the Stepan boss, is cocaine sold by them to the pharmaceutical industry. Does any of it also slip by as contraband? In the 1970s, some alternative journalists began heckling cocaine-linked Stepan Chemical. He said he was aware of the criticism of Stepan regarding cocaine. He could not go into it too far, he said, because of reasons of "national security". Or did he really mean, "Stepan security"? The bosses of Stepan have always been close to the Daley family that since the mid-1950s, with just a short hiatus, runs Chicago's city hall machine.
Early on in their history, The Coca-Cola Company assisted the U.S. in espionage. When the company set up bottling plants and distribution facilities in a new country, sent in were spy operatives.
The place to hang their hat was the offices and plants, worldwide, of the much ballyhooed drink. The cocaine trace made it addictive.
So did the sugar content, according to some nutritionist. With the U.S. Senate subcommittee hearings on Iran-Contra late in the 1980,s, the CIA-Coca-Cola link was dealt with. In Nicaragua, for example, those with CIA, when the Senate subcommittee asked, where with local offices of The Coca-Cola Company. By the end of the 20th Century, Coke bought about a billion dollars a year in advertisements in the monopoly press, even more when you add up their so-called "independent" subsidiaries.
Coke reportedly uses worldwide, mafia-type strong-arms to assure distribution and wreck competitors. Such as making soda pop competitors' refrigerator units in stores to over-night, disappear. In some places it is the traditional Sicilian and Italian mafia. In other places, former Soviet Secret Police agents the KGB, like in the U.S. and current Russia, called the mafiya. Elsewhere used reportedly are the numerous Japanese underworld, the Yakuza.
Feeding on lush revenue of Coke ads, the press whores are not about to run news items or documentaries pointing out the reportedly close link between The Coca-Cola Company, covert operations of the American CIA, and the criminal cartel.
A key player, reportedly combining covert operations and the soda pop, was Roberto Goizueta. A Cuban, he started with the firm at their Havana offices in 1954. From 1980 to about the time of his death in 1997, Goizueta was at the helm of the spy-pop witches brew, operating in most every place on the globe. Through stock options he became a billionaire.
Goizueta's father was a Cuban sugar plantation dictator. Cuba was the major source of cane sugar used in the cola drink. Because of the ferment for change, needed was a new front man in Cuba. Batista, and the mafia, and the wealthy criminal families sucking the sugar blood out of Cuba, had overplayed their hand. So the American CIA, with the help of their reputed Atlanta-based adjunct, The Coca-Cola Company, installed their darling, Fidel Castro, a popular hero. When, like Frankenstein's monster, he turned against his creators, they plotted to overthrow Castro and assassinate him. It was 1961 and it was called the Bay of Pigs operation. The Coca-Cola Company and other old-time imperial firms having an entrenched interest to have Cuba as a puppet colony, participated with CIA. Aiding them was Claire Boothe Luce, wife of the boss of the Time-Life Magazine empire. With the American CIA actually since 1959, through his espionage front, Zapata Petroleum, was George Herbert Walker Bush. He aided as well the aborted mission. One of the attempted invasion vessels was named after Bush's operations. Out of official government office was Richard Milhous Nixon. In 1961, he was the overlord for the planned invasion. Blamed for the aborted invasion planned actually by President Eisenhower, President John F. Kennedy said as a punishment, he would scatter the CIA to the wind. CIA boss Allen Dulles, sacked by JFK, called him a "traitor". Some say the JFK threats against CIA led to the plot to assassinate him.

Some would simplify this story by pointing to Coke trying to change over greatly to a diet cola, as a way of breaking loose of filling the void once supplied by Cuban cane sugar, against which there was a U.S. embargo. By the end of the 20th Century, the major player in supplying the chemical sweeteners for non-Diet Coke, was Archer-Daniels-Midland. At the time of Watergate, the head of ADM was to have been prosecuted for secret participation in Nixon's covert operations slush fund. Dwayne Andreas was too useful to the American CIA for them to allow him to be jailed. Like The Coca-Cola Company in the past, by 1999, ADM had an interest in putting their claws on Cuba. Through foreign subsidiaries, ADM had big investments in operating food refineries in Cuba, to exploit their agriculture abundance. ADM was the principal player for the faked propaganda bombardment and orchestrated event, to open up Cuba and drop the U.S. embargo. It was called the Elian Gonzalez affair. Only one lesser known publication dared spell out the ADM-Cuba-Elian Gonzalez link. In the spring of 2000, under a headline "How Did ADM Pull This Off?", The Massachusetts News started their blockbuster item with "What is Archer-Daniels-Midland and why does it want to build another food refinery in Cuba? Where does it get its power?" The article went on to lambast ADM, "The company is a speculator in and processor of corn and other grains around the world. It has tremendous influence on politicians AND THE MEDIA." (Emphasis added.) So the Elian Gonzalez affair was just a smoke screen. The story quotes Forbes Magazine 2/7/2000, and their headline "ADM PREPARES FOR LIFTING OF CUBAN EMBARGO". Note ADM sponsors many of the mass media's TV talk shows as well as PBS's "Jim Lehrer News Hour".
The story of ADM and The Coca-Cola Company and a corrupt Chicago Federal Judge will be in a later part of this series.
A major player in The Coca-Cola Company has been Warren Buffet. If you are naive and believe in fairy tales, then you believe he made his great fortune through crafty operation starting with a department store in Omaha. To heckle him, some of his critics pronounce his name,French-style, phonetically Buffay. Buffet became a major owner of Coke stock and held a position on their Board of Directors. Few, if any, dare even whisper that Buffet's fortune is reportedly based on operating companies that are money laundries and propaganda horns for the American CIA. The list would have to include CIA adjuncts such as the Wells Fargo Bank, helping CIA's Pacific basin operations, and the CIA-apologist, The Washington Post Company. (Read, if you can find it, Deborah Davis' book, "Katherine the Great" about the Washington Post and the CIA.
To understand Warren Buffet, who mouths off his wonders at universities training so-called would-be business stars, you would have to be a profound investigator, from mostly secret sources, on the worldwide dope trafficking by the American CIA. When you are knowledgeable on that, then, and only then, do you understand the financial buffoon, Warren Buffet. Is it a mere coincidence that his purported nephew, Jimmy Buffet, and his rock concerts seem to be part of making dope use fashionable? His band, The Corral Reefers, is a word play for narcotics.
At his concerts, there is reportedly massive trafficking and use of dope. And the local corrupted police have the badge of the three monkeys.
Some had misgivings about another purported relative of Warren Buffet, the once popular Art Bell, the middle-of-the-night talk show host. Bell was broadcasted on hundreds of major wattage radio stations in major markets, never known to broadcast the truth about the Federal Reserve, or political assassinations, and a lot of other suppressed topics. With his reputed heavy intelligence agency background, was Bell's program just some more psychological warfare operations? In crude terms, was it just mindf--k?
Late in the 20th Century, a strange series of events started targeting The Coca-Cola Company. Various European governments and the European Union began attacking Coke.===That Coke's products in Europe are contaminated. Such as in Belgium and Poland, among others.===That The Coca-Cola Company usesw monopoly tactics to injure competitors. Such as in Italy.===Dawn raids on Coke's offices and closing down their plants, grabbing up records and accusing The Coca-Cola Company of making people sick with their products.
Is there a simple, though incomplete, unpublicized explanation for this epidemic of attacks on The Coca-Cola Company? The French CIA accused Microsoft of being a spy operation and proprietary adjunct of the super-secret U.S. National Security Agency, the signal intelligence spooks. Further, France and other European copuntries are accusing The Coca-Cola Company of being, like Microsoft, an adjunct and private company proprietary of the American CIA. Privitizing some of CIA's operations makes it impossible to get possibly incriminating records, if at all, through invoking the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. You cannot force government disclosure, for example, of CIA's private company proprietary adjunct, Wackenhut, a alter ego for CIA with more emplopyes and operations that CIA itself. )Spy Magazine, 9/92.)
Further, France and other European countries are accusing Coke of using some of their methods and satellite operations to assist and as a cover for Echelon, the super "Big Brother" gobbling up most everyone's private details and tracking, through key words, what most everyone communicates with anyone else in the world.
Raiding Coke's European plants and offices---claiming anti-trust violations and poisoning up the populace---is just another way of sending the Atlanta-based spy/soda-spitting rattlesnake the message We do not like American spies and vipers.

Part Two of a Series

by Sherman H. Skolnick
COCA-COLA's reputed spies and the corrupt Federal Witness Protection Program

First, a short lesson in court corruption.
How do a series of secretly related court cases get onto the docket of one Judge? As a case is in the process of being filed in the federal district court clerk's office, the case, under the rules, is supposed to be assigned by random selection, "blindman's buff" they used to call it. But, after studying and investigating court corruption for over 40 years, I know the term to be used is RANDOM MAGIC.
One of the first things we probe when we are on the trail of a tainted or suspicious case is How did THIS particular case get on THAT judge's docket? We know from long experience, corruption starts with the assignment of cases. Another tell-tale sign is when THAT judge uses JUDICIAL PERJURY to "fix" the case in favor of a certain litigant. A judge under a malign if not corrupt influence inserts false so-called "facts" plucked out of the sky and not in the court evidence to justify their decision. In simplistic terms, the undisputed court evidence shows it is DAY.
Operating under a corrupt influence, the judge proclaims it is NIGHT, and applies case law regarding NIGHT to support her decision. Judges operate by case law, that is, by prior landmark rulings or statutes which cannot obviously be changed or sidestepped that easily. So the corrupted judge changes the "facts" and applies case law to fraudulent facts. That in essence is judicial perjury. Not every case is the subject of malign influence. But, often the important ones are. Over the years, when we suspected a judge was corrupt, we examined their rulings to see if there are judicial perjuries. An honest judge, mis-stating the undisputed facts, would quickly correct wrong statements. A crooked judge, even when confronted (cowardly lawyers are chicken), refuses.
Of the more than two dozen judges sitting in Chicago's U.S. District Court, one judge, by some witchcraft, has assigned to her a string of cases with apparent concealed links. That is Judge Blanche M. Manning [(312)435-7608]. Among these, she has assigned to her, by apparent RANDOM MAGIC, the case of Robert E. Kolody vs. Simon Marketing and The Coca-Cola Company, No. 97 C 190. For a number of years Kolody planned to sue Coke for stealing his intellectual property, designs he made for them. Kolody's confidant, who befriended him over the years and insinuated himself into the matter for some 10 years has been a local lawyer who was always sympathetic to Kolody's grievances against Coca-Cola and their adjunct, Simon Marketing. When Kolody retained an out-of-state attorney from Arkansas to represent him in 1998, the rules required the designation of an additional lawyer as "local counsel". That trusted "local counsel" was Kolody's long-time confidant Daniel V. Hanley, [(708)474-6633], of the Chicago suburb of Lansing, Illinois.
All of Kolody's legal strategies and plans and those of his Arkansas lawyer, Dan Ivy, were discussed in confidence with Daniel V. Hanley. But strange things were happening. Coke's lawyers seemed to be able to "beat to the punch" Kolody and Dan Ivy, that is, heading off Kolody and Ivy's legal strategies which, of course, are confidential and not to be divulged by his "local counsel" Daniel V. Hanley.
And Judge Blanche M. Manning arrogantly committed judicial perjuries, which some common people call straight out lies about what this copyright case was all about. The Judge evidently knew that she did not have to be careful. She refused to wipe out her judicial perjuries when confronted by Dan Ivy.
As an electronic journalist, on May 18,2000, I attended a hearing before Judge Manning when she failed to do anything about her judicial perjuries in the Coca-Cola case. Afterwards elsewhere in the courthouse in the presence of Ivy, I interviewed Daniel V. Hanley
"Skolnick What sort of law work do you do, Mr. Hanley? Daniel V. Hanley General. Skolnick As you know I do for many years now a Cable TV Show each week. Hanley Yes, I know. Skolnick Does Coca-Cola and their attorneys know the legal strategy of Robert Kolody and his attorney Dan Ivy here? Hanley Yes. Skolnick Really? How could they know? Hanley My sister is the media buyer for Coca-Cola. Skolnick What does she do? Hanley She has been with a New York firm and now is in Chicago. Skolnick What firm is she with? Hanley (looked at Skolnick but did not answer.)
Skolnick Do you think putting Bob here on my TV program about Coca-Cola would do any good? Hanley No. Skolnick So your sister understands all about this case?
Hanley Yes."
"Whereupon Daniel V. Hanley left and Skolnick spoke to Dan Ivy. Skolnick Did you hear what Hanley volunteered as a statement? (Kolody had come over to the table and heard the portion, he said, of the colloquy where Daniel V. Hanley said his sister is media buyer for Coca-Cola.) Dan Ivy Yes, and we are shocked. Skolnick Well, this needs further investigation now that he volunteered this statement."
After another court hearing on July 6, 2000, when again Judge Manning failed to take back her judicial perjuries, I attended in court and interviewed Hanley again in the presence of Dan Ivy. "Skolnick So, do you think putting Bob on my TV Show will do some good? Hanley No. The time to put him on would have been two years ago at the time of the summary judgment. It's too late now. Skolnick So Coca-Cola understands all about this case, through your sister. Hanley Yes. Whereupon, Hanley left."
The foregoing transcripts are contained in my signed Declaration attached to Kolody's Motion for the Judge to wipe out all her rulings of substance because of the Fraud Upon the Court by the Judge and Coca-Cola's spy in Kolody's camp for ten years. [Motion filed 8/9/2000, in No. 97 C 190.]
As I later discovered, Daniel V. Hanley's sister, Mary Hanley, is Associate Media Director [(312) 552-6368] of the huge, worldwide advertising firm, DDB. [Visit their websitehttp//www.ddb.com and click on their world directory of personnel for Chicago and Mary Hanley.]
As I put in my Declaration in Court "The long-term custom, practice, and usage, in certain parts of the U.S. to purportedly purchase federal judgeships, has been a subject of investigations and commentaries by Skolnick and his closest associates, from 1966 to the present date. Skolnick has such a commentary on his website, http//www.skolnicksreport.com , .Knowledgeable sources have informed Skolnick that the upwards of one million dollars to purportedly purchase the judgeship for Blanche M. Manning came from William F. Cellini via U.S. Senator Carol Moseley-Braun. Law enforcement personnel contend to Skolnick that Cellini, heavily active in gambling casinos, is reporrtedly a key player in the crime cartel."
More details from my court Declaration
"Skolnick jointly with some of his associates in court reform, have been investigating the circumstances of a case pending before Judge Manning USA vs. Joseph Jerome Miedzianowski, et al., defendants, No. 98 CR 923, U.S. District Court,Northern District of Illinois, Eastern Division. The circumstances show
(a) Judge Manning, many times without notice conducted closed door and secret proceedings in the case;
(b) ordered the censoring, by redacting of court and other transcripts;
(c) Chicago Tribune Company petitioned, to intervene in the case as of right, for among other purposes, for access to sealed judicial records and transcripts of proceedings;
(d) Chicago Tribune apparently never publicly disclosed their objections to the secret proceedings in the case. Some references to this situjation are contained in the case in No.98 CR 923, among other items, docket items No. 174, 175, 176 , 180, 182, 186, 192."
More "Informed sources contend that this situation is due, in part, to matters actually or bordering on so-called 'national security', in that involved in the trafficking of dope into Chicago from Florida and elsewhere was the use of dope couriers or 'mules' as they are known, of persons, some of them women, who also did work for the espionage agencies."

More "Daniel V. Hanley has also been the attorney for Danny Harkenrider, who owns and operates Shannon's Landing, an Irish Pub, located with the property of the Chicago suburban airport in Lansing, Illinois. The place has been a reputed center for dope trafficking, inclujding through airplanes. Nothing is done about this by the usual dope enforcement authorities. FBI Division Five, Counter-Intelligence, has informed the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, and other state and federal agencies, to take no action against the dope traffice. The excuse being that the FBI purportedly is tracking clandestine IRS activities through the airport and the said Pub; activities to raise funds for the IRS and gun-smuggling through the dope traffic. Harkenrider has had purported immunity in these acts and doings in thast his sister, Mary Yokich, was at one time on the third level from the top of the U.S. Justice Department, engaged in special investigations including involved in the Oklahoma City bombings. Some contend the Justice Department and the FBI, to avoid embarassing details coming out, suppressed details of the tragedy. Mary Yokich's father-in-law is head of the powerful United Auto Workers union which in the past has throu9gh international affiliates, assisted the American CIA in covert operations against unions deemed unfriendly to American corporate interests worldwide." 

 It is clear that Judge Manning is busy covering up high-level corrupt government officials implicated in the dope traffic through the Chicago Police as in the Miedzianowski case. Another case assigned to Judge Manning by RANDOM MAGIC, is the case of USA vs. John Serpico, et al., No.99 CR 570. The defendants are labor bosses charged with racketeering, frauds and swindles, bank fraud, among other things. Through her apparent cover-ups, Judge Manning is keeping out of the federal court record that Serpico has a business partner who is a top official of the Federal Witness Protection Program. Some claim that these gangster-like connections have caused several supposedly protected witnesses to be murdered by inside complicity. Thus high-level corrupt federal officials, including IRS officials in Chicago, are kept from being fingered because the witnesses against them are being murdered INSIDE THE FEDERAL WITNESS PROTECTION PROGRAM.
Well-informed sources contend that one of the reasons Daniel V. Hanley volunteered the statement mentioned is that Hanley and his client, Harkenrider, are reportedly in the Federal Witness Prortection Program, or being considered to be taken in under the criteria set forth in the U.S. Justice Department Manual under the Witness Security Reform Act of 1984 jointly with other laws. Sources contend that Hanley and Harkenrider, because of their activities at the Irish Pub, at the Lansing, Illinois Airport, are being threatened from all sides

(a) by the IRA not to co-operate with FBI Counter-Intelligence, Division Five, as protected witnesses;

(b) by their knowledge that Judge Manning is keeping out of the federal court record in several of her cases, the corrupt operation of the Federal Witness Protection Program, and that Hanley and Harkenrider cannot expect to be actually protected as witnesses;
(c) By The Coca-Cola Company, in that they have had an entrenched spy in the camp of a major copyright case, where Robert E. Kolody is suing Coca-Cola and their marketing adjunct Simon Marketing now merged with a firm called Cryk;
(d) by various corporate interests whose planes apparently convey dope in and out of the Lansing, Illinois airport with impunity, with stste and federal authorities playing the part of the three monkeys; (e) and threatened by the Drug Enforcement Administration agents who often occupy a table at Shannon's Landing and also play the part of the three monkeys.
It is perhaps ironic that the only non-threatening type that Hanley could confess to is Sherman H. Skolnick, a long-known, independent-minded court reformer and Cable TV Talk Show moderator/producer. Much more about Chicago Federal District Judge Blanche M. Manning and the highly-corrupt Federal Witness Protection Program involved in a string of cases she is covering up.

Part Three of a Series

by Sherman H. Skolnick
This series is dealing with the type of harsh realities uncovered by our research and investigation group over 4 arduous decades of our work.
1. Sometimes whole groups of court cases are assigned, not by random selection, but random magic, intentionally to one or more judges part of "big fix". And involved is a malign, if not corrupt, influence upon the judge. Knowing who it is that bought the chair for the Judge is one type of influence. Straight out bribery, another. And the major corruption, as we have repeatedly shown, is not in the state courts, but the big bucks federal courts. We have been showing as an example a group of cases assigned to Chicago U.S. District Judge Blanche M. Manning [(312) 435-7608. FAX (312) 435-7578.] We have more details on her. And she is not the only one, just an example of the corrupted federal judiciary.
2. Worldwide, major enterprises are secret adjuncts of the American CIA. Privatizing the spy agency avoids Freedom of Information disclosures. One example is Wackenhut. An example dealt with here is The Coca-Cola Company.
3. Government agencies are supposedly set up to protect witnesses from harm in very sensitive case. For instance, the Federal Witness Protection Program. But they seem to have been penetrated by criminal interests, so that key witnesses, that finger corruption of top IRS and DEA officials, are NOT protected, but terrorized, and on occasion, snuffed out. As we have specified, Judge Manning is covering up this situation in the case of USA vs. John Serpico et al., No. 99 CR 570. Serpico, a union purported criminal boss, is reportedly a business partner with a top official of the Federal Witness Protection Program.
4. There are places that operate reportedly as a criminal immunity zone. Anything goes. The state and federal authorities play the part of the three monkeys. One such that seems to fit that description, reportedly is a business on the property of the Lansing, Illinois Airport, a suburb of Chicago. Called Shannon's Landing [(708) 895-6919], it is an Irish pub. Who seems to use that place? Corrupt top IRS officials blackmailing their way into all kinds of deals. [Visit our website series on the crooked IRS bosses and their ocean-going money laundry boat, "California Rose".] Dope traffic through the airplanes there and such is used reportedly to raise funds for gun-smuggling, for purposes of the Irish Republican Army, IRA. Agents of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration often sit at that pub and hear and see nothing. The owner of the pub, Danny Harkenrider, is reportedly himself in the Federal Witness Protection Program or being considered under the criteria for such.
Another one in that program reportedly or being considered for such, is a purported lawyer {he does not seem to practice much law), Daniel V. Hanley, of Lansing, Illinois [(708) 474-6633].
Hanley is a purported spy inside the camp of a fellow, Robert E. Kolody, who sued Coke for theft of storyboards and designs, that is, his intellectual property. Apparently threatened from all sides, Hanley as the supposed "local counsel" for Kolody, confessed and volunteered to me, in the presence of witnesses, that Kolody's court opponent, The Coca-Cola Company, gets to know his confidential legal strategies through Hanley's sister, Mary Hanley, who is the media buyer for Coca-Cola. She is with a huge worldwide advertising agency in Chicago, DDB [(312) 552-6368. FAX (312) 552-2394. E-Mail MaryHanley@chi.ddb.com].
5. Federal judgeships, like state judgeships, are bought and sold. A known reputed criminal type bought Judge Blanche M. Manning the federal judge's bench and chair she occupies in the U.S. District Court in Chicago. [Visit our website for our story on Buying Judgeships.] A million dollars or more was laid out.
6. A major dope trafficking case, by random magic, was assigned to Judge Manning. She covered up the involvement of "mules", dope couriers, some of them women, who also do espionage for the American CIA. USA vs. Joseph Jerome Miedzianowski et al., No. 98 CR 923. The Chicago Tribune are fakers. As shown in the court record they are privately blackmailing Judge Manning, lambasting her for holding without notice or formalities, secret proceedings, censoring court transcripts and papers. Why does the WORLD'S GREEDIEST NEWSPAPER remain silent about all this in print or on their TV Station in Chicago, Channel 9, WGN-TV, or on their radio horn WGN Radio?
7. In an extremely important anti-trust conspiracy case assigned to her, again by random magic, Judge Manning tried to go easy on top officials found guilty by a jury; top officials, that is, of the worldwide farm products refinery, Archer-Daniels-Midland. ADM is a super-duper advetiser in the monopoly press and controls numerous TV talk shows and such. They have as their puppet the "Jim Lehrer News Hour" on PBS. And ADM is big with supposedly "non-commercial" radio stations, NPR. Since a Rockefeller holds the key position with NPR, we call them National Petroleum Radio. ADM, like Coca-Cola years ago, is trying to put a grab on Cuba's agriculture by forcing the U.S. to drop the embargo.
By the way, the whole Elian Gonzalez Affair, played out on the ADM-dominated monopoly press, was to soften up the American know-nothings for ADM's scheme being big investments in Cuba in food refineries to take advantage of Cuba's agriculture abundance. Working on the other side of this propaganda trick reportedly was Jose Basulto, reportedly tied to the criminal combine that includes the family of George Herbert Walker Bush and his criminal-linked, oil-soaked sons. And linked to the American CIA.
The case of the ADM officials is USA vs. Michael D. Andreas, Terrance S. Wilson, and Mark E. Whitacre. Michael is the son of the long-time ADM dictator Dwayne Andreas who should have gone to jail in the Watergate Affair. The government whistle-blower, Whitacre, himself an ADM official, wore a wire, and aided the FBI in setting up clandestine video and audio recording of the monopoly crimes. He was done in apparently with the connivance---here it comes again---of the Federal Witness Protection Program. It is case No. 96 CR 762.

After a jury verdict finding the defendants guilty, Judge Manning nevertheless gave a light sentence to Andreas and Wilson and a more severe jail sentence to the whistle-blower, Whitacre, to scare such finger-pointers to shut up in the future or be dropped down the chute by the criminal-combine running the Federal Witness Protection Program. And as mentioned, Judge Manning in various cases is covering up the criminals supposedly dedicated to protecting government witnesses, actually persecuting and terrorizing key government witnesses. If that does not work, well, snuffing out witnesses is also the answer. Whitacre rots in jail.
In June, 2000, the banker-judges on the federal appeals court in Chicago, did their own blackmail job on Judge Manning. They publicly ran over her in the case of Andreas and Wilson. They want to be sure she stays shut on the corrupted Federal Witness Protection Program in the several cases put on her docket by random magic. The appeals judges, primarily tied to the Rockefeller interests and not ADM, slapped her down, saying she gave too light of jail sentences to Andreas and Wilson, and sent it back for her to fix it up. Whitacre was not part of the appeal and is left as a thrown-in-the-garbage whistle-blower.
ADM supplies the corn and other sweeteners to The Coca-Cola Company. So you see the common link to the cases on Judge Manning's docket. ADM is a spy-apparatus themselves, just like Coke. In 1989, ADM wanted to put an armlock on the Chicago Board of Trade and the Chicago Mercantile Exchange. They were countered by the independent-minded young "pirates" who as speculators were running the places. ADM arranged to "buy" the federal prosecutors office to frame up 46 of these "pirates" on measly five dollar discrepancy matters. In an unusual procedure, ADM supplied to the federal government prosecutors undercover spies, trained by and for ADM in commodity and other dealing. ADM's undercover provocateurs got "evidence" of the five dollar matters which was and is a common, accepted practice on the exchanges, not considered a crime at all. The federal prosecutors, practically on ADM's payroll instead of Uncle Sam's, destroyed the 46 young people quicker than shooting them.

In 1992, I was sitting in my wheelchair in the front of the front row of the packed courtroom of the U.S. Court of Appeals in Chicago. Before the oral presentation of the appeals, I tried to tell the wives of some of the Soybean Ten, that the three-judge panel to hear the appeal, was headed by a conflict of interest. That was Federal Appeals Judge Richard D. Cudahy. According to his mandatory financial disclosure, he is the richest judge in North America and owns and operates the Patrick Cudahy Trust, which is a speculation instrument in the commodity industry. Judge Cudahy upheld the severe jail sentences of the soybean traders.
The relatives of the doomed speculators had hired, for about a million dollars, Alan Dershowitz, to argue their appeal. Before the hearing, when I tried to warn the relatives, they just insulted me "Who the hell are you, Mr. Skolnick? I answered, I am just a voice for justice in the wilderness, that's all."
Hey, maybe you are floored by all these details. Maybe I should not tell you that the Russian mafiya plays a part in some of Judge Manning's crooked decisions. Like Harkenrider is purportedly in with them.

Part Four of a Series
by Sherman H. Skolnick
Is the media monster. the Tribune Company, a reputed blackmailer of The Coca-Cola Company?
Here is more that is boiling and bubbling out of that witches brew of a scandal implicating Coca-Cola. For background to this story, you should visit our website story about the Chicago Tribune linked to the criminal cartel, at least from 1910 to date, including the Trib using Al Capone as a labor consultant in 1930 to beat back a strike against the Tribune, and then again, in 1986, using gangster goons with attack dogs against the Trib's own workers in a labor strike.
With a charter for their Canadian pulp from the King of England more than a 100 years ago, and large ownership currently by the Queen of England and her dope traffickers, the Tribune Company are no angels. Neither are the Coca-Cola Company as an adjunct worldwide of the American CIA. The one who got in the middle between the Tribune Company and Coca-Cola is Chicago U.S. District Judge Blanche M. Manning [(312) 435-7608]. In a theft of intellectual property case pending against Coca-Cola, Judge Manning has issued a series of "judicial perjuries", as some call them, to corruptly favor Coke. [Robert E. Kolody vs. Simon Marketing and The Coca-Cola Company, 97 C 190.]
Plain-spoken folks call such things straight out lies by the Judge.
In August, 2000, Judge Manning was confronted with a situation involving a spy infiltrating the camp of Coke's court opponent, Kolody, thus becoming privy to Kolody's confidential legal strategies against Coke. How did this happen, as identified in the Court record? Following a court hearing, I interviewed Kolody's required "local counsel" in the presence of Kolody's out-of-state counsel Dan Ivy
"Skolnick Does Coca-Cola and their attorneys know the legal strategies of Robert Kolody and his attorney Dan Ivy here? Local counsel Daniel V. Hanley [(708) 474-6633]  Yes.  Skolnick Really? How could they know? Hanley My sister is the media buyer for Coca-Cola." [Portion of transcript of interview attached to Motion for Relief Because of Fraud Upon the Court, filed 8/9/00. The term "fraud upon the court" is a profound principle of law that frightens cowardly members of the bar and corrupt members of the bench. It requires that the rulings on matters of substance by a judge acting under a malign, if not corrupt, influence, be expunged from the court record.]
When I run into savvy cynics in or near courthouses, they just cackle. "Skolnick, you have often documented such problems. How can there be a fraud upon the District Court in places like Chicago, a court that is a long-known fraud itself?"
To try to get around Kolody's Motion for Relief Because of Fraud Upon the Court, Judge Manning issued a decision giving the Motion a false label, calling it a motion to disqualify the Judge. There is no such thing in the Motion. But this is typical of judges operating under a malign, if not corrupt, influence. [A gambling casino kingpin, reportedly part of the criminal cartel, reportedly paid one million dollars to BUY the federal judgeship for Manning. As stated in the filed Motion. Visit our web stories also about Buying a Judgeship.]
And falsely calling the Motion by that name, Judge Manning said Kolody did not properly invoke the federal statutes for disqualifying a judge. So the Judge said Kolody's Motion is no good. Any one examining the Court record could see the Judge is a plain rotten liar.
In another case on Judge Manning's docket, the Tribune Company has been blackmailing the Judge. In a moment you will understand why.
It is a case of a dope-trafficking gang, Chicago-Florida, involving Chicago police and dope "mules" or couriers, actually many of them women also working for the American CIA. The Tribune filed a petition in the case saying they should be allowed to intervene as of right. Why? Because, says the Tribune, Judge Manning is conducting, without notice or legal formality, secret court proceedings. And Judge Manning is censoring court documents and transcripts, by redacting them, and similar secret methods. Judge Manning's apparent purpose? To cover up the dope trafficking showing complicity by corrupt top-level IRS officials, and the kinky U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, and the corrupted FBI, among others. [Visit our web series on corrupt IRS brass and their ocean-going money laundry boat.]
The dope trafficking case is USA vs. Joseph Jerome Miedzianowski, et al., No. 98 CR 923, U.S. District Court, Chicago.
According to advertising agency sources, The Tribune Company, as a media empire, has a beef against The Coca-Cola Company which is being corruptly favored by Judge Manning with her paper tricks. [Kolody vs. Simon Marketing and The Coca-Cola Company, No. 97 C 190.] The Tribune Company is sore at Coke because Coke's media buyer, Mary Hanley, reportedly is not favoring Trib and their raft of newspapers, TV and radio stations and such, with the proper amount of advertising bucks. Get this straight the Tribune, no crusaders against corrupt federal judges, does not wish to assist Kolody but rather to strong-arm Coke.
Just after the Fraud Upon the Court Motion is filed, Mary Hanley's boss, the monstrous DDB advertising octopus, announces, in the Chicago Tribune, that Mary Hanley has been promoted to Senior Vice President and is group media director at DDB Chicago. [Chicago Tribune, George Lazarus' column, 8/15/00.] It appears that DDB is playing the part of press agent, to try to get the stink off the mess.
And guess what? To further get away from the ruckus, Coca-Cola's media buyer, Mary Hanley, identified as such by her lawyer-brother, just at that point, is leaving the U.S. for Ireland. [Mary Hanley (312) 552-6368. E-Mail MaryHanley@chi.ddb.com]
By the way, reportedly arranging such propaganda is an apparatus we call The Banquet Committee, suddenly honoring someone, such as person of the year and such, to counter a scandal. More later.
We have, by the way, been commenting for some 40 years about media units blackmailing slow-to-comply would-be advertisers. The late George Seldes, a crusading journalist, wrote about this type of blackmailing in his book, "Tell The Truth and Run". Since 1991, in our public access Cable TV Program in Chicago, we have spelled out numerous examples of pressfakers using blackmail to strong-arm ads. That is, threatening to run negative stories about a corporation if they fail to buy plenty of ads.
In simple terms, the Tribune Company wants The Coca-Cola Company to throw more ad bucks its way. And twisting Judge Manning's crooked arm [maybe even Mary Hanley's arm] is the way to start the finger pointing leading to loosening up Coke's billion dollar a year advertising bankroll. [Some years ago, we showed how a local TV station in Chicago, Channel 5, WMAQ-TV, an NBC unit, did a series scandalizing Sears Roebuck & Co., basically because Sears was holding back ad bucks.]
And get this angle The Miedzianowski case secretly involves the American CIA, details covered up by Judge Manning. The background of many of the Tribune Company's correspondents and such is that they come out of U.S. Military Intelligence, the CIA's competitor. So the Tribune Company has a number of reasons to privately blackmail Chicago U.S. District Judge Blanche M. Manning.

Sarcastic sorts crow, if Coke does not bubble up with more ads for the Tribune Company---well, Tribune may order any Coke machines to suddenly disappear from Trib's premises. Or sternly order Tribune employees to drink Royal Crown Cola instead. NOT Pepsi-Cola, falsely described as a "competitor" of Coke, yet Coke and Pepsi are run and owned by the same folks. Ha ha. Stories like this take the fizz out of the soda monster. 

Part Five of a Series

by Sherman H. Skolnick
It was set to be a crucial hearing in the media-ignored Coca-Cola case in Chicago's federal district court. U.S. District Judge Blanche M. Manning [(312) 435-7608] was determined NOT to hear in open court on August 22, 2000, that Coca-Cola had a reputed spy in the camp of their opponent, Robert E. Kolody, who was sueing Coke for theft of his storyboards and designs. In law, his claim is called theft of intellectual property.
The monopoly press, beholden to major advertiser Coca-Cola, has purposely evaded reporting on this case. Kolody's out-of-state attorney, Dan Ivy, had on August 9, bravely filed a Motion demanding the Judge expunge all her rulings favoring Coke, since the reputed spy reportedly conveyed confidential legal strategies of Kolody to his opponent, Coke. It is called Fraud Upon the Court, an unusual procedure that makes most of those of the bench and the bar plenty nervous. Kolody's required "local counsel", Daniel V. Hanley, the reputed spy, in the presence of witnesses, had confessed to me that Coca-Cola knew Kolody's court strategies because Hanley's sister is media buyer for Coca-Cola.
The court-filed Motion with my signed Declaration attached, among other things, pointed out [1] That power-broker, and gambling casino overlord, WILLIAM F. CELLINI, reportedly paid one million dollars to buy in 1994 the federal court judgeship for Blanche M. Manning. The pay-off reportedly made through then-U.S. Senator Carol Moseley-Braun.
[Braun lost the re-election in 1998 because of growing scandlas she could not explain away. As to Buying a Judgeship, visit my website.] Cellini reportedly is linked to the nationwide criminal cartel. [2] My Declaration transcribed two interviews, done in the presence of witnesses, of Daniel V. Hanley. [3] That the Tribune Company, parent of the Chicago Tribune, and their media empire, have been blackmailing Judge Manning by seeking to intervene, as of right they claimed, without publicity, in another one of Judge Manning's cases. To point out that the Judge engaged in secret proceedings without notice, and censored and redacted court records, as part of an apparent cover-up. As later determined, the Tribune Company wanted to pressure Judge Manning, and Coke's media buyer, MARY HANLEY, so Tribune would get more advertising bucks from Coca-Cola. With the merger with the Los Angeles Times, Tribune Company got more heavily in debt. Getting a big share of Coke's billion dollars a year advertising slush fund would help Tribune Company and their banks.
Prior to the show-down August 22 hearing, Judge Manning jumped the gun and rejected the Fraud Upon the Court Motion out of hand. The Judge issued a ruling loaded with what Dan Ivy later on August 22, described in court to her face, as her "judicial perjuries". Identified by Dan Ivy were how, to try to cover up and evade, the Fraud Upon the Court, involving the Judge herself, that she sraight out lied. The Judge falsely described the Motion as one to disqualify herself. No such thing in the Motion. Ivy confronted the Judge with a string of her lies. The Judge resisted allowing the witnesses against the reputed spy to be heard. The witnesses were all present in the courtroom.
Notice the time-line Prior to the key hearing, Daniel V. Hanley informed Kolody that Hanley's sister, Coke media buyer Mary Hanley, is going out of the country, to Ireland. Would she be available as a witness? Her testimony could scandalize her company, DDB advertising agency, in matters that involve both Coca-Cola and Pepsi-Cola. [More later.] Prior to the key hearing, in a business column 8/15/00, in the Chicago Tribune, it is announced that Mary Hanley of DDB Chicago has been elected Senior Vice President and is a group media director.
By the way, as Coke's media buyer, Mary Hanley has tremendous clout as to who in the mass media get part of Coke's billion dollars a year ad bucks.
After resisting hearing the witnesses, Judge Manning suddenly leaves the bench, presumably to get instructions from "higher ups". In the recess, six federal security patrol officers enter the Courtroom. An excuse supposedly is that the Judge will briefly divert a few minutes to sentence a jail-bird, in an orange prison jumpsuit, brought in through a side door. After the brief diversion, however, the federal police do not leave. Judge Manning then tries to intimidate me demanding I roll my wheelchair to the rear of the courtroom. I told her I am an electronic journalist and wish to be upfront to observe and hear good. One of the federal police stands up and started over to me, to forcibly remove me. Under threat, I rolled over to sit right near one of the federals with his intercom in his ear.
Suddenly the Judge changes her mind and the witnesses were called such as me. I was asked what I do. Looking right at Judge Manning, I told her I investigate crooked judges for the purpose of putting them in jail.
Pointing to the reputed spy for Coca-Cola who confessed to me in the presence of others, I detailed what was said. The reputed spy did not, however, appear to deny my interviews with him about his sister.
In the Kolody case, the two defendants are The Coca-Cola Company and their marketing adjunct, Simon Marketing. Simon's alleged attorney was asked why she did not inform the Court that Simon had merged and is now part of Cyrk, Inc. The attorney, Jacqueline A. Criswell [law firm Tressler, Soderstrom, Maloney & Priess(312) 627-4000] told Judge Manning that she did not know of the merger.
Apparently not adequately revealed in the Court record is that Criswell does NOT represent Simon Marketing but rather, the insurance carrier under an errors and omission policy carried by many corporations. And the name of the insurance company has not been disclosed in the Court record. Also, Cyrk has reportedly failed to inform the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission of the Kolody suit as required by SEC regulations.
>From all the known facts, it appears that there may be a scam underway to rip off the insurance carrier. No great surprise. Illinois and Texas are havens for pirate insurance companies aand havens for massive insurance frauds, because of crooked state insurance regulators. Coke appears to be fraudulently shifting the multi-million dollar damage claim against them, for theft of intellectual property, so their former marketing adjunct, Simon, would take the blame to be underwritten by the insurance company.
Coca-Cola's advertising agency DDB, may be part of a huge price-fixing and market-tampering mess. Advertising agencies become privy to tremendous financial and political secrets of their clients. Such as the market demographics. Data on profiling would-be customers. Price trends. Political trends that effect marketing products.
Problems needed to be "fixed" and judges and others necessary to be corrupted, for the benefit of their clients. Where the product sells the best, so as to put a related business unit right nearby. Point-of-purchase strategies.
Closely scrutinizing DDB's website is helpful http//www.ddbn.com
DDB, once called Needham, has been trying to stay low-key on the fact that they represent PEPSI-COLA at the same time they represent their alleged "competitor" COCA-COLA. That sort of an arrangement is both unethical and may well be a violation of the U.S. Anti-Trust laws. The purpose is to freeze out smaller companies like Royal Crown Cola and others, with Pepsi and Coke together controlling the prices among themselves, dividing up markets among themselves, setting the wholesale price per-case of soda pop in a way to screw smaller firms, and then jacking up the price for themselves, and similar federal price-fixing and market-fixing law violations. An open secret, never mentioned in the monopoly press, is that Coke and Pepsi are substantially owned and operated by the same people.
Two days after the key hearing on Coke's reputed spy, the Chicago Tribune continues their Blackmail Machine. The apparent purpose is not to help Robert E. Kolody fight the injustice inflicted on him by Judge Manning but rather, for the Tribune Company to continue to shakedown Coke's advertising agency, DDB, to get more ad bucks for the Tribune empire of numerous print media newspapers, TV stations, radio stations, magazines, and a great number of advertising-sponsored websites.
The Trib blackmail story was on their front page, 8/24/2000. The Tribune announced a matter that had so far been kept secret That there had been a huge Illinois State contract swindle prosecution that actually involved top officials of then-Illinois Governor Jim Edgar [1991-1999] "The list of those linked by prosecutors to the scandal but not charged included Michael Belletire, Edgar's deputy chief of staff and later head of the ILLINOIS GAMING BOARD; JANIS CELLINI, Edgar's patronage chief AND SISTER OF SPRINGFIELD POWER BROKER WILLIAM CELLINI..." (Emphasis added.)
Notice the tie-in to the Coca-Cola case A gambling casino kingpin, reputedly part of the nationwide crime cartel, William F. Cellini, reportedly bought the Judgeship for Blanche M. Manning sitting in the Coca-Cola case. One of those reportedly covering up dirty business in gambling casinos for Cellini what later became head of the Illinois Gambing Board is now named as having been an unindicted co-conspirator. That is, the prosecutor, splitting hairs because of being corrupted or otherwise influenced, left him off the jhook. And then the Tribune names William F. Cellini's sister, JANIS CELLINI, as one who somehow escaped being actually prosecuted and jailed.
Do you suppose that William F. Cellini and the Coca-Cola gang and their ad bucks controller DDB, and Mary Hanley, media buyer for Coca-Cola, along with Judge Manning, got the message? See to it, they are told, that the Tribune Company gets their "cut" of the Coke billion dollars a year ad bucks, or else, more judicial dirt and Cellini scandals will be published.
So what is next? The WORLD GREEDIEST NEWSPAPER suddenly and belatedly finding out that there is an insurance scam reportedly implicating a marketing adjunct of Coca-Cola? Or that DDB advertising agency is concealing an apparent horrendous price-fixing mess involving both Pepsi and Coke?.